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Winds of Change, the Stench of Scandal
October 14, 2005
Winds of
Change
With the wholesale meltdown of Republican Leadership in Washington, it
should be no surprise that serious discussion of a Democratic takeover
of Congress in 2006 is starting to take place in the media. Yesterday's
New York Times had a front-page article describing the
growing momentum for a changing of the guard in next year's mid-term
elections:
Democrats
See Dream of '06 Victory Taking Form
New York Times - 10/13/05
Suddenly, Democrats see a possibility in 2006 they have long dreamed
of: a sweeping midterm election framed around what they describe as the
simple choice of change with the Democrats or more of an unpopular
status quo with the Republican majority.
That sense of political opportunity has Democratic operatives
scrambling to recruit more candidates in Congressional districts that
look newly favorable for Democratic gains, to overcome internal
divisions and produce an agenda they can carry into 2006, and to raise
the money to compete across a broader field. In short, the Democrats
are trying to be ready if, in fact, an anti-incumbent, 1994-style
political wave hits.
Reflecting that shift in assessments, Democrats are preparing for a
midterm with broad, national themes and possibilities - like 1982, 1986
and 1994. Democratic leaders from the House, the Senate, the national
party and representatives of mayors and governors have met periodically
to try to produce their own campaign agenda for 2006, which they hope
to unveil early next year, strategists and senators said.
[...]
On another front, Democratic campaign officials are racing to recruit
more House candidates in places like Ohio and Kentucky. Representative
Steny H. Hoyer, the Democratic whip and a leader in the recruitment
effort, said he spent part of last week in Ohio with potential
candidates, and his message is simple: "My basic premise is, I think
this is the best context for Democrats to be running in for the House
of Representatives since 1994."
Mr. Bush's approval ratings are, perhaps, the most closely watched
political indicator at the moment. Andrew Kohut, president of the Pew
Research Center, said, "In every midterm election season, a president
with approval ratings as low as President Bush's has had his party
taking it on the chin."
Recent polling data confirms this downward trend for Republicans in
Washington. Yesterday morning saw the release of the new NBC/Wall Street
Journal poll, which had several eye-catching findings: an
all-time-low 39% approval rating for President Bush, and more than
twice as many Americans feeling we are on the wrong track as on the
right one (59% to 28%). But perhaps most worrisome for Congressional
Republicans is the current preference for control of Congress: only 39%
of poll respondents said they wanted the Republicans to retain control
of Congress, whereas 48% want a change to a Democraticall controlled
legislature.
NBC's Tim Russert summed up the general sentiment when interviewed by
Matt Lauer on the Today Show yesterday morning:
LAUER: Let's go right to the poll numbers. Approval rating for the
president now 39 percent of the American people, the people polled at
least, say he's doing a good job; 54 percent say he's doing a bad job.
What's driving these numbers?
Mr. RUSSERT: Well, Matt, that 39 percent is the lowest number we have
had for George Bush during his presidency. Independent swing voters now
solidly disapprove of the president's job performance. And, Matt, the
most astounding number in this, 2 percent, just 2 percent, of African
Americans give George Bush a positive rating for his performance as
president. The memories of Katrina very much in their minds.
LAUER: Is that--is that what this is all about? I mean, obviously, that
is a--just a startling number, 2 percent of African Americans. Is this
all about the aftermath of Katrina?
Mr. RUSSERT: Well, the imagery of that, along with the economy and fuel
prices and Iraq, but that event, Matt, really did have a searing
effect. George Bush and the Republican Party has tried very hard to
reach out to African-American voters but this is a very dramatic
setback. I cannot find a pollster who can remember any president ever
getting just 2 percent approval from African Americans.
Today, another poll, this one from the Pew
Research Center, found that in addition to dismal ratings for President
Bush, Republican ethics problems are catching up with
them...
By 40%-30%, more Americans see the
Democratic Party, rather than the Republican Party, as governing in an
honest and ethical way. This represents the largest Democratic
advantage on this measure since the Republicans took control of
Congress in 1994. The Democratic Party held a 37%-34% edge on honesty
in July 2004.
The mid-term elections are still a year away, but
the Republicans are already starting to get nervous. The events of the
past few weeks have shown the American people the inability of the
Republicans to truly lead our country in the right direction, and there
is no reason to think that this trend will change anytime soon.
Business As
Usual For House Republicans
If anyone thought that Republican abuse of power would abate with the
indictment of Tom DeLay and his removal from Leadership, they were
quickly proven wrong. Last Friday, the Republican Leadership added
another chapter to their sorry history of holding open House votes
until they could strong-arm a majority, leaving the vote on the
cynically titled "Gasoline for America's Security Act" vote open for
nearly fifty minutes, three quarters of an hour longer than the
announced five minute voting period.
Of course, this bill will do nothing to lower gas prices, but rather
will only serve to give more handouts from the American taxpayer to the
profitable oil industry, while at the same time allowing for increased
pollution. Of course, that should be expected given that the bill was
written by DeLay and his fellow Texan Joe Barton.
Suffice it to say, it was just another day at the office for DeLay,
Inc. and the Republican Congress:
In Raucous
House Vote, G.O.P. Oil Refinery Bill Squeaks By
New York Times - 10/8/05
It took more than 40 raucous minutes of pleading and cajoling,
bargaining and begging on Friday. But House Republican leaders managed
to squeeze through an oil refinery bill in a tumultuous floor vote that
severely tested a leadership team rocked by the indictment of
Representative Tom DeLay, Republican of Texas.
After teetering on the verge of an embarrassing defeat, desperate party
leaders managed to persuade enough of their members to switch positions
to win narrow 212-to-210 approval of a measure that its backers said
would expedite refinery construction and crack down on price gouging.
"House Republicans have taken the lead in providing America with price
stability and a bold plan for this nation's energy future," said
Speaker J. Dennis Hastert, who along with Mr. DeLay and other senior
lawmakers buttonholed and browbeat resistant Republicans as the clock
ticked on the vote.
Democrats attacked the substance of the bill and the process that the
Republicans employed to force it through. The Democrats accused the
majority of abusing House rules by stretching what should have been a
five-minute vote to deliver a bill that Democrats said would benefit
profitable oil companies but do little for American drivers.
"It took that long for the indicted leader of the House of
Representatives to twist the arms necessary to get a vote against the
American people, against the consumer, against the taxpayer and against
the environment - in favor of the energy companies," said the minority
leader, Representative Nancy Pelosi of California.
Despite his nominal demotion from the House Leadership, guess who was
on the floor leading the attempt to force weak-willed Republicans to
change their votes? That's right, "backbencher" Tom DeLay:
GOP Leaders
Win on Energy Bill: DeLay Twists Arms Over Measure to Increase Refining
Capacity
Washington Post - 10/8/05
And if rank-and-file Republicans wondered what role DeLay (R-Tex.)
would play after his indictments last month on money-laundering and
conspiracy charges, Friday's theatrics provided the answer. Even
without a leadership title, DeLay made it clear that he will still
wield power. Just as he did when he was part of the leadership, he was
present for the whole vote, pressing dissenting Republicans, especially
Rep. Roscoe G. Bartlett (R-Md.), who fidgeted with his voting card as
DeLay pressed for his assent.
"It was a heck of a performance to turn this around," said Rep. Michael
N. Castle (R-Del.), one of 13 Republicans who joined 196 Democrats and
one independent to nearly defeat the Gasoline for America's Security --
or GAS -- Act. "The lesson was that nothing's changed."
"I saw DeLay come out of retirement," said Rep. John D. Dingell
(D-Mich.) "I saw him twisting the arms of at least three of my
colleagues. . . . I saw a lot of unhappy Republicans."
Nothing's changed, and the Republicans in Congress have nobody to blame
but themselves.
Update:
Republican Power Trio Investigations
Reams of newsprint continue to get eaten up reporting on the continuing
legal problems of three of the most powerful Republicans in Washington:
White House Deputy Chief of Staff Karl Rove, Senate Leader Bill Frist,
and "former" House Leader (but still clearly in charge) Tom DeLay.
Let's begin with Rove, who went back before the grand jury for a fourth
time today as part of the Valerie Plame leak investigation. According
to reporting from several sources, Special Prosecutor Patrick
Fitzgerald wanted to ask him about previous discrepancies in his
testimony:
Rove Failed
to Tell Grand Jury Information
UPI - 10/9/05
A discrepancy between the grand jury
testimony of Karl Rove and Time Magazine reporter Matthew Cooper is the
reason Rove will testify again.
Newsweek reports investigators have found an e-mail confirming a
meeting between Cooper and Rove, President Bush's top political
adviser.
Rove failed to disclose the meeting both during a 2003 FBI interview
and during his first appearance before a federal grand jury
investigating the leak to the press of the identity of CIA agent
Valerie Plame.
With the contempt order on New York Times reporter Judy Miller having been lifted
on Wednesday, the newspaper is due to publish a full account of
Miller's role in the investigation, which could spell more bad
publicity for the administration. With Miller's testimony complete,
Rove is reportedly the last individual still due to come before the
grand jury. The current grand jury's term ends next Friday, so by the
time of the next @Stake we should finally have some answers as to what
will come out of this investigation.
As for our good friend Tom DeLay, his legal trevails continue to bump
along. When faced with several indictments, DeLay decided to follow the
suggestions of the modern Republican playbook and spend his efforts
attacking the prosecutor, rather than actually trying to win the case
on the merits. This week, his lawyer issued a subpoena
to District Attorney Ronnie Earle's office and accused the proseuctor
of partisan conduct - despite the fact that Earle has indicted four
times as many Democrats as Republicans in his career.
DeLay went further still. After the foreman of the grand jury told
reporters that not only did he stand behind the indictments, but that
he believed there was enough evidence to
convict, DeLay accused Earle of improperly urging the foreman to
talk.
And what does the second grand jury foreman, 76-year-old retired
Sheriff's deputy William Gibson, have to say about
that?
The foreman, William Gibson, gave media interviews after the grand jury
finished its work but told The Associated Press that Earle did not ask
him to discuss the case.
"That's a bunch of (expletive) there," Gibson said. "That man did not
talk to me."
He said Earle advised him and other grand jurors to keep an open mind
as they considered evidence and cautioned them, "What goes on behind
closed doors is secret."
While this appears to be just an attempt to muddy the waters and
discredit Earle, it should be noted that this attempt to attack the
messenger is the modus operandi of the Bush admistration over
the past five years. Remember Richard Clarke?
Newsview:
Cross Bush, Face Payback
AP - 3/27/04
President Bush is playing supercharged hardball in going after his own
former anti-terrorism chief, Richard Clarke. It's a risky strategy that
shows the single-mindedness of Bush and his re-election team in trying
to deflect politically damaging criticism.
Loyalty is a hallmark of Bush's administration, with the president and
his top lieutenants quick to turn on those who stray from the fold.
A week after a broadside that questioned Democratic rival John Kerry's
commitment to U.S. troops and fitness to be president - standard
operating procedure for the general election campaign - Bush's
re-election machine unleashed a shock and awe campaign designed to
discredit Clarke.
...But Bush and his chief political adviser, Karl Rove, are essentially
following the same game plan that the late Lee Atwater - an early
political mentor of Rove's - used to get the first President Bush
elected in 1988: define and undercut an opponent early with a fusillade
of negative attacks.
"This team is tough. You cross them and they go after you and raise
questions about you and your credibility rather than what you have to
say," said Thomas Mann, a scholar with the Brookings Institution.
Others who have fallen out of favor over Iraq include former economic
adviser Lawrence Lindsey, retired Marine Gen. Anthony Zinni and former
Army chief of staff Gen. Eric Shinseki. All voiced concerns about
either the expense or number of troops needed to occupy Iraq. All were
treated dismissively by the White House. All are gone, but their
estimates proved accurate.
Note especially that last sentence; this is a tactic that Republicans
like Tom DeLay and Karl Rove typically turn to when they can't win the
argument on the merits. There is still a long way to go in this case,
but given DeLay's reaction thus far, he appears to be very worried
indeed and has not had many substantial reactions to the charges. For
Tom DeLay loyalists in the House, that can't be a good sign. Nor can
the fact that on Thursday, he had his home and office
phone records subpoenaed.
And then there's Senate Republican Leader Bill Frist, who had a rather rough week himself,
but we'll save him for another day...
News From
the Blog
NY-19: Game
On
Republican Sue Kelly gets a new opponent ready to hold her accountable.
NC-10: The
Future of the Republican Party?
A profile of Republican Rep. Patrick McHenry, and the loyalty he has
shown to the likes of Rove and DeLay in his hopes of a rapid ascent to
power.
CA-11,
CT-02: Return of the Double Dealing Caucus
Republicans Richard Pombo and Rob Simmons show us once again what made
them part of the "Double Dealing Caucus" in the first place.
CT-04: Shays
Under Fire on FEMA
Once again, faux-moderate Chris Shays shows us how to speak out of both
sides of one's mouth.
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A
Conversation During the Much-Extended Vote on the Republican Energy
Bill:
Mr. Dingell (D-MI): Parliamentary inquiry. I have a plane to catch in
about one hour. Am i going to be able to do it?
The Speaker Pro Tempore: That is not a proper parliamentary inquiry.
Mr. Dingell: Will my colleagues be able to do it? Will the vote end in
time?
The Speaker Pro Tempore: not a proper parliamentary inquiry.
-- Rep. John Dingell (D-MI) trying desperately to get the Republican
Speaker Pro Tempore to announce when the vote on the GAS act will
finally come to a close. The vote was held open until Republicans had
forced enough of their colleagues to switch sides as to pass the bill,
which took 45 minutes longer than the announced 5 minute vote was
expected to take. |
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